Georgia shifting away from the West and toward Iran

When it comes to Iran’s attempts to exert influence around its neighborhood, one understandably thinks of the Middle East. Since the 1979 revolution that brought the Islamic Republic to power, Iran has funded proxy organizations and movements that have sought to undermine stability and security across the region, most notably in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

One area where Iran has also been active but does not get as much attention is in the South Caucasus, specifically Georgia. Historically, Persia was active in the South Caucasus for centuries and the territories now found in countries like Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia were often part of the geopolitical chessboard of the 1700s and 1800s between Persia, Imperial Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Today, Iran tries to spread influence in the region, especially in countries with Shiite populations, as part of its efforts to export the ideology of the Islamic Republic beyond its borders.

In Azerbaijan, for example, the government has been very aware of Iran’s motives and has strictly and effectively prohibited Iranian attempts to influence the country. But in neighboring Georgia, which has a population of about 200,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis concentrated in one region, Iran has been more successful.

For European and American policymakers, this is particularly alarming because Georgia has traditionally been one of their closest partners in the region. But in recent years, under the current Georgian government, Tbilisi has started to shift its geopolitical alignment away from the West and closer to Moscow and Tehran. This is concerning.

The Georgian government has facilitated an environment ripe for the picking for malign Iranian influence

Luke Coffey

The most recent example of Georgia’s turn has been the events in Iran since January. During the large and brutal crackdown by the Iranian regime against peaceful protesters, Russian strategic airplanes were allowed to transit Georgian airspace to resupply Tehran.

Then, when the US-Israeli war with Iran started and Tehran recklessly retaliated against civilian targets up and down the Gulf, the Georgian government was mealy-mouthed in its condemnation. In fact, in no public statement did the Georgian government even acknowledge that Iran was the country responsible for the drone and missile attacks in places like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE. Even closer to home, when Iranian drones hit a civilian airport in Azerbaijan, or when Iranian missiles were shot down over the skies of Turkiye, Tbilisi never mentioned Iran by name as the country responsible.

But the problem runs deeper than weak official statements failing to condemn Iran’s cavalier behavior. Whether through a combination of incompetence or naive acquiescence, the Georgian government has facilitated an environment ripe for the picking for malign Iranian influence.

Through quasi-educational institutions set up by Iran, such as Al-Mustafa International University, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has been able to influence and recruit Georgians to do its bidding. In December 2020, during President Donald Trump’s first term, his administration sanctioned Al-Mustafa International University for facilitating recruitment efforts by the IRGC’s Quds Force.

Perhaps most alarmingly, Iran has been able to put its recruitment and influence operations in Georgia to use. In March 2025, a Georgian citizen, Polad Omarov, was convicted for his role in an Iranian government-backed plot to assassinate Iranian American journalist and activist Masih Alinejad in New York. Omarov was sentenced to 25 years in prison last October.

The South Caucasus is an enticing area for Tehran to focus on if it hopes to further impact global energy markets

Luke Coffey

In early January 2025, another Georgian national, Agil Aslanov, was arrested in Azerbaijan as part of an Iranian-linked plot to assassinate Rabbi Shneor Segal, a senior Jewish leader in the country. And in March, Greek authorities detained a Georgian national on suspicion of spying on US naval movements at Souda Bay on the Greek island of Crete, where America has a naval base.

The problem of Georgia’s perceived coziness with Iran has not gone unnoticed in Washington. This week, during a congressional hearing, Secretary of State Marco Rubio was asked about Tbilisi’s posture toward Iran. Rubio acknowledged that there has been “preexisting concern” about Georgia’s relationship with Iran and that Georgian authorities had been informed what steps needed to be taken in order to improve relations with the US.

It is unsurprising that Iran would want to extend its influence deep into the South Caucasus. After all, Georgia sits on some of the world’s most important energy transit routes, which European and other global markets rely on for oil and gas from the Caspian Sea region. The growing influence of Iran in this region, coupled with its dangerous behavior in the Strait of Hormuz, makes the South Caucasus an enticing area for Tehran to focus on if it hopes to further impact global energy markets.

The Georgian government needs to take steps to change course when it comes to Iran. It should seek advice from countries in the Middle East, Europe and the US, which are most impacted by Iran’s dangerous behavior. It should also shut down Iranian-linked influence operations on Georgian soil and ensure that Georgia is no longer used as a platform for Tehran’s malign activities abroad.

For years, Georgia’s friends in the West viewed the country as a reliable partner in a difficult neighborhood. That reputation is now at risk. If Tbilisi wants to preserve its Euro-Atlantic future, it must prove that it stands with its long-standing partners, not with the regime in Tehran.

• Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. X: @LukeDCoffey